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A Mathematical Sociologist’s Tribute to Comte: Sociology as Science

Nobel Prize-winning elementary particle physicist Murray Gell-Mann once challenged his colleagues rhetorically, “Imagine how hard physics would be if particles could think.”

by John Angle, Inequality Process Institute*

When I taught sociology, I introduced sociology as a science-in-intention although one that at present was not far along as a mathematical science. I thus affirmed Auguste Comte’s “positivist” vision of sociology, a word he coined to name a science of society like physics. More generally I was affirming the agenda of the Enlightenment to discover and understand scientifically processes of the natural world of which society is a part. Benjamin Franklin, a leading contributor to the Enlightenment, saw society as a subject for science and engineering. He wrote in 1780 that he wished he had been born later in time so he might see future scientific marvels such as the levitation of masses, life extension, and something beyond these in difficulty: “O that ... Science were in as fair a way of Improvement, that Men would cease to be Wolves to one another, and that human Beings would at length learn ... Humanity.”

Positivism Unleashed?

Some sociologists share my enthusiasm for Comte’s vision. I recognize, accept, and value other approaches to sociology. Positivism would be more attractive if sociologists thought it would lead to discoveries. Dubiousness about that possibility is understandable. In several decades, Comte’s vision of sociology as a mathematical science will be two centuries old. What would sociologists say to a student who asks for an example of a success of Comte’s positivist vision? There have been successes, but little leaps to mind if you are not a mathematical sociologist. So, the comments of Bruce Keith, U.S. Military Academy, in his December 2005 Footnotesarticle assessing sociology’s future are understandable. He wrote, “I surmise that sociology is more akin to a profession than a science because I find no evidence that members of our discipline have discovered any law or principle that is applicable temporally across social contexts.”

The length of the silence to Prof. Keith’s year-old assertion reveals how Comte’s vision has faded. To many sociologists it may seem yesteryear’s future, a “monorail” that never found a place in the present. In 1988, New York Times culture critic Richard Bernstein “panned” the sociology on display at the ASA Annual Meeting and then quoted a sociologist to the effect that sociology will never be a science like physics and those expecting it are fooling themselves. Perhaps not entirely coincidental, a few sociology programs were shut down in years following.

Someone taking Prof. Keith’s point of view might very well ask when Comte’s vision of a science of society like physics is going to arrive. Would it suffice if there were a discovery of a process, describable by a simple mathematical formula, operating in all societies? It would be harder still to ignore if that process impacts people, and how they relate to each other, in ways of interest to sociologists.

Unequal Math

I maintain that there is at least one such discovery, known as the Inequality Process (IP). This discovery mathematically describes a universal process of competition in human populations. Unlike popular notions of Social Darwinism—which Vince Lombardi’s “winning is the only thing” characterization of football describes well—in the simplest version of the Inequality Process (IP), everyone loses as often as they win. In the long term, those who do best in this simplest IP are the robust losers. The IP was abstracted from G. Lenski’s (1966) speculation that the more productive worker loses less in the competition for wealth.

Economist Thomas Lux (2005) pointed out to an international conference of econophysicists that the findings about income distribution presented in multiple papers at the conference had been anticipated 20 years earlier in the first paper published on the Inequality Process. “Econophysics” and “sociophysics” are the extension of the field of statistical mechanics in physics into the social sciences. Statistical mechanics is about how macro-level phenomena emerge out of micro-level interactions between particles in a large population of particles. Essentially, its subject matter is what sociologists call macro-micro theory. The disciplinary line between sociology and economics is institutionalized and an imaginary but de facto barrier to those on either side. The distinction between sociophysics and econophysics is fluid and nearly meaningless. Lux (2005) cited my papers on the IP as evidence of his thesis that econophysicists should not ignore social scientists. In 2006, I published an introductory review and extension of the Inequality Process for econophysicists in Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and Its Applications (2006a; see draft at www.lisproject.org/publications).

Figures 1 and 2 give examples of empirical patterns implied by the IP. In statistical mechanical terms—the way econophysicists see the IP—Figures 1 and 2 are a kind of condensation/crystallization resulting from the “cooling” of competition among people. The shapes of the distribution of wage income as a function of workers’ levels of education. In IP terms, the shape difference between the wage income distributions of the more and less educated indicate the competition experienced by the more educated is “cooler.”

The Math of Bigotry

Because the IP models competition among people, which, as urban sociologist Robert E. Park knew, drives discrimination and victimization, the IP provides a solution to Franklin’s “wolves” problem. The IP traces how individual acts of victimization by a majority against a minority result in exquisitely detailed patterns in minority income statistics, patterns never understood as the consequence of such acts before the IP. See the figure labeled “hill of hate” in my paper (Angle, 1992) about the distribution of personal income among African-Americans. The IP offers hope for reducing the intensity of interpersonal competition along with techniques (e.g., social insurance) to disincentivize discrimination. The IP also explains why social movements that thrive on bigotry want to eliminate social insurance. In the IP every human population “cooks” with competition at some temperature. Desperation drives the competition. The “hotter” the temperature, the more predatory (cf Franklin) people are relative to one another, the more like Social Darwinism the competition becomes. In a paper for last year’s American Physical Society meetings, Kotz (2006) pointed out that the IP would have predicted the upsurge of prejudice and discrimination in eastern Europe as the welfare systems there were dismantled in the late 1980s and 1990s. In the IP, participation in a discriminatory coalition is an attempt to transfer “heat” to the coalition’s victims. The “hill of hate” figure in Angle (1992) shows that the IP implies what is called in statistical mechanics a “phase transition” (like the melting of ice as its temperature rises past 0 degrees Celsius), a nonlinear increase in the incentive to form a discriminatory coalition as the “temperature” of competition rises. In IP terms, a discriminatory coalition is something like a convection cell in a fluid.

The difference between qualitative insight into desperation and interpersonal competition described via a temperature metaphor on the one hand and the IP on the other is that the IP relates the metaphor to observed quantitative patterns in data on income and wealth. The IP also implies some principles of economics never before understood as joint implications of a single mathematical model (Angle, 2006b). That is, in the IP there is no divide between sociophysics and econophysics. If a student asks what sociology would be like if it were a mathematical science, consider that it might be like statistical mechanics in physics and that the Inequality Process might be a starting point. There are short descriptions of the IP in Tim Liao, et al.’s The SAGE Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods (Sage, 2003) and Kleiber and Kotz’s Statistical Size Distributions in Economics and Actuarial Sciences. (Readers can network about the interface between sociology and sociophysics by joining the ASA’s Mathematical Sociology Section.)

Some economists, such as Lux, Univer-sity of Kiel (Germany), have crossed the disciplinary divide between economics and econophysics to the enrichment of both. Sociologists have been invited by professors B. K. Chakrabarti and A. Chatterjee, conference organizers, to attend this year’s Econophys-Kolkata III (see www.saha.ac.in/cmp/econophys3.cmp). Lux spoke at Econophys-Kolkata I at the Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics in India.

Statistical physicists bring powerful mathematical tools to Comte’s positivist program, but they may need help with moving beyond ad hoc modifications of canonical models of statistical mechanics. There is a potential for collaborations between sociologists and interdisciplinary physicists in pursuing Comte’s vision based on complementary skills. There is no difference in meaning between sociophysics as used today by statistical physicists and sociology as coined by Comte almost two centuries ago.

For more information on how interdisciplinary physicists have incorporated the IP into their research since 2005, do a search at www.google.com on “John Angle” and physics, or email me at angle@inequalityprocess.org.

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References

Angle, J. 1992. “The Inequality Process and the Distribution of Income to Blacks and Whites.” Journal of Mathematical Sociology 17:77-98.
———. 2006a “The Inequality Process as a Wealth Maximizing Algorithm.” Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and Its Applications 367:388-414.
———. 2006b. “A Comment on Gallegati et al.’s “Worrying Trends in Econophysics.” In The Econophysics of Stocks and Other Markets: The Proceedings of the Econophys Kolkata II Conference, A. Chatterjee and B. K. Chakrabarti (Eds.), February. Milan: Springer.

Bernstein, R. 1988. “Sociology Branches Out But Is Left in Splinters.” New York Times, August 30.

Keith, B. 2005. “A Century of Motion: Disciplinary Culture and Organizational Drift in American Sociology.” Footnotes December, 33(9):6.

Kleiber, C. and S. Kotz. (2003). Statistical Size Distributions in Economics and Actuarial Science. New York: Wiley.

Kotz, S. 2006. “Reflection on Econophysics by a Statistician.” Paper presented to March 2006 Meeting of the American Physical Society. Abstract is online at meetings.aps.org/Meeting/MAR06/Event/39240.

Lenski, G. 1966. Power and Privilege. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Liao, T., et al. (Eds.), The SAGE Encyclopedia of Social Science Research Methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Lux, T. 2005. “Emergent Statistical Wealth Distributions in Simple Monetary Exchange Models: A Critical Review.” Pp. 51-60 in Econophysics of Wealth Distributions, A. Chatterjee, S. Yarlagadda, and B. K. Chakrabarti (Eds.), September. Milan: Springer.

* The Inequality Process Institute is an alias for John Angle, private scholar.

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